Somewhere inside the dense, joyless text of Pakistan's Finance Bill 2026-27 sits a clause that most budget commentators treated as a footnote. The provision proposes withdrawing the advance tax on imported foreign television dramas and advertisements, a fiscal tool that has quietly shielded the local entertainment industry for years. For newspaper business desks, the clause merited a paragraph. For the thousands of actors, camera operators, editors, and daily-wage crew members whose livelihoods depend on local production, it landed like a grenade.
I believe Pakistan's creative workforce is completely justified in its revolt against this proposal. Removing the tax on foreign content is not a modernizing reform. It is a capitulation to cheap programming economics that nearly destroyed local television once before, and the voices fighting it deserve more than a half-column in the financial pages.
The Tax That Built a Comeback
The mechanism under threat is Section 236CA of the Income Tax Ordinance. The Federal Board of Revenue uses the tax framework as a regulatory tool to promote local entertainment and discourage excessive reliance on foreign productions. For foreign drama serials, the rate sits at Rs 1,000,000 per episode, doubled for non-filers. For advertisements featuring foreign actors, the cost runs Rs 100,000 per second, collected by licensing authorities before any broadcast is permitted.
These are not punitive numbers. They are corrective ones. One episode of a Turkish drama costs a Pakistani TV station about $2,500 to broadcast, while the production of a Pakistani show can be four times that amount, according to Athar Waqar Azeem, a senior vice president at Hum TV. Without the tax levy evening out the playing field, broadcasters face an irresistible cost incentive to fill their schedules with imported content. I watched this play out over a decade ago. You probably did too.
We Have Seen This Film Before
Consider the Turkish invasion of Pakistan's airwaves. Featuring heartthrob heroes, westernized heroines and picturesque scenery, dozens of Turkish soap operas made it onto Pakistani television channels since 2012. Dirilis: Ertugrul alone, dubbed in Urdu, racked up more than 240 million views on YouTube. PTV said viewership was unprecedented, with the drama fetching ratings five times higher than average.
Those numbers sound celebratory until you look at who paid the price. The popularity of Turkish shows sparked concern from Pakistani politicians, with the Senate committee for information and broadcasting warning that the shows would harm Pakistan's TV industry. Actor Yasir Hussain put the case bluntly in 2020, urging PTV to "make a historic drama serial and utilize Pakistani artists, who pay taxes and also have expertise in their field besides the technicians," adding sarcastically that imported content and Turkish dramas would destroy the local industry.
That concern was not hypothetical. Local productions suffered. Work dried up for writers, for technicians, for the voice-over artists who were among the few beneficiaries of the dubbing boom. The advance tax on foreign content was part of the architecture that eventually helped stabilize and then rebuild the sector. Now the Finance Bill 2026-27 proposes to remove that architecture entirely.
The People Who Actually Showed Up
What I find most striking about this moment is who is doing the fighting. Three of the country's most prominent representative bodies, the United Producers Association (UPA), Actors Collective Pakistan (ACT), and the Directors Guild Pakistan (DGP), have locked horns with the government over the bill. They formally presented a four-point mandate to the prime minister, finance minister, information minister, chairman of the FBR, and members of parliament, asking for an immediate suspension of the tax withdrawal pending transparent stakeholder dialogue.
Their demands include an immediate round-table meeting with industry representatives to conduct an in-depth review analysing the real financial damage the bill may cause to local workers, and the establishment of a permanent national policy framework to protect indigenous art.
These are not pampered celebrities throwing tantrums. Faysal Quraishi posted a video on Instagram with a plainly emotional appeal. "One drama we shoot involves a minimum of 100 people, from actors, writers and directors to technical vendors and production staff," he said. "Today Pakistani dramas are recognised by audiences because of our actors, whether people understand our language or not."
Shamoon Abbasi carried the memory of past damage. "It took Pakistan 10 years to re-establish our drama industry after a prior surge in the airing of foreign content," he said. He added, "Bringing back foreign content to Pakistan will destroy the actors, producers, directors, and writers once again."
Veteran actor Laila Zuberi noted that removing the advance tax solely benefits corporate business interests, warning that a handful of businessmen would easily buy cheap foreign content and program it, triggering a catastrophic wave of unemployment for local production crews left without platforms for their work.
I keep returning to Hina Khawaja Bayat's argument because it flips the government's own logic. "At this moment, we need jobs for our own people," she said, questioning how the government could consider replacing local content when the industry should be leveraging its dramas as export commodities to generate foreign exchange.Pakistani dramas already enjoy popularity in countries such as South Africa and Vietnam. An industry exporting its stories to thirty-plus territories is being told to make room for cheaper imports. The absurdity is staggering.
The Counter-Argument, Honestly
I want to take the opposing position seriously because it is not entirely unreasonable. Free-market advocates argue that taxing foreign content limits consumer choice, keeps broadcast costs artificially high, and insulates local producers from the competitive pressure that might sharpen their output. Some audience members, frustrated by repetitive domestic storylines, genuinely welcome foreign variety. The argument echoes a familiar global refrain: protectionism breeds complacency.
But here is where that logic collapses in the Pakistani context. The drama industry generated PKR 25 billion in revenue in 2022 from ads and syndication. Pakistan exports drama content to over 30 countries including India and Turkey. The industry contributes nearly 1% to the nation's GDP and employs 120,000 people. This is not a coddled sector hiding behind tariffs. It is a growing one that has demonstrably improved its craft, expanded its international footprint, and created mass employment precisely during the years the advance tax gave it breathing room.
The competition argument also ignores a fundamental asymmetry. Turkish, Korean, and Indian productions operate on budgets and infrastructure that Pakistan cannot match overnight. Dropping the tax does not create a level playing field. It creates a slaughter.
What the Budget Pages Never Say
I suspect the reason this story has been covered so thinly is that entertainment policy in Pakistan rarely gets treated as economic policy. Budget reporters see the clause through a revenue lens. Culture reporters see it through a celebrity lens. Neither frame captures the full picture: a functioning creative economy that sustains families, generates exports, and produces Pakistan's single most visible soft-power asset.
Kabhi Main Kabhi Tum hit a billion online views. Humsafar became a cross-border sensation. Geo TV's Khuda Aur Mohabbat won the International Drama Award at Seoul in 2022. These are not obscure accomplishments. They represent a sector punching well above its weight on the global stage.
Dismantling the tax framework that helped build these successes in the name of fiscal tidiness is like ripping the scaffolding off a building that is still going up. The structure may hold for a while. But the people standing on it are the ones who fall first.
The government owes Pakistan's creative workers a seat at the table. Not after the bill passes. Now.
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